Shanghai Communique – Still Important 46 Years Later

                        by David Parmer / Tokyo

February 28, 1972 marked the end of President Richard M. Nixon’s historic visit to the People’s Republic of China and the date of the issuance of the Shanghai Communiqué. Nixon and his team had been staying at Shanghai’s historic Jin Jiang Hotel. There, together with the Chinese team headed by Premier Zhou Enlai, they had endeavored to come to an agreement that would be acceptable to both parties and also address the key issues facing the United States and the People’s Republic of China.

Two key issues that came out of the agreement that still have relevance are the agreement not to seek hegemony in the region and the acknowledgement by the US of the “One-China” policy. While both powers refrained from seeking hegemony in the region, it is clear that today both countries are active in promoting their interests in the Asia-Pacific region. The One-China policy continues intact today, and one annoyance for Beijing is that Taiwan will not clearly state its position on this issue.

The Shanghai Communiqué was a start in relations between the two Pacific powers, but it was not until January 1, 1979 that full diplomatic relations were established in the Second Communiqué and where the US ended political relations with Taiwan. The final communiqué in this series was the Third Communiqué that was published on August 17, 1982 when both sides agreed to strengthen economic, cultural and scientific ties, and in which the US pledged to decrease arms sales to Taiwan.

The normalization of relations started by the Shanghai Communiqué continues today and in many ways remains the basis for relations between the US and the PRC. Now it may seem strange for two countries to not talk for 30 years, but it was the Shanghai Communiqué that was really the beginning of the end for that silence.

Photo: Nixon Library via Wikipedia

Shanghai Communique full text: https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v17/d203

Russians say “Nyet!” to Charges of US Election Meddling

                        by David Parmer / Tokyo

The US Justice Department on 16 February 2018 handed down an indictment against 13 Russian nationals and 3 Russian organizations charging them with meddling in the 2016 election and engaging in conspiracy to defraud the United States. CNN reported on 17 February 2018 that Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein said that the Russians were engaged in “information warfare against the United States.” The indictment charges the Russians interfered by:

  • Creating social media news
  • Staging political rallies
  • Stealing US identities to open accounts
  • Encouraging minorities not to vote

Russians were quick to push back. Mr. Yevgeny Prigozhin, owner of the indictment-named Internet Research Agency was quoted by the N.Y. Times as saying ” The Americans are very impressionable people.”

On 17 February 2018, the UK’s Independent reported former Russian ambassador to the US Sergey Kislyak as saying:

“Whatever allegations are being mounted against us are simply fantasies…” And finally, on 17 February 2018, the BBC reported that Russian Minister Sergey Lavrov dismissed the allegations outright calling them “blather.”

So who do you believe? The FBI or the Russians? Please log in and let us know what you think.

Photo: US Dept. of State via flickr

 

Happy New Year! 新年快乐!

                            by David Parmer / Tokyo

We at RG21 would like to wish you a Happy Year of the Dog 2018! May you have a happy, prosperous and healthy year.

In 1859, the British writer Charles Dickens started one of his most famous works, A Tale of Two Cities, with these lines:

“It was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us,”

And those conditions mentioned above really seem to apply to all of us in 2018. So many wonderful things are happening in the fields of science, space and IT, and people around the world are becoming even more connected as information flows everywhere. On the other hand, we are faced with the threat of terrorism, the prospects of world war and the very real effects of global warming. The rise of ignorance, injustice and bigotry also confront us.

Let us all work together to bring about the peace, harmony and prosperity that we all want and that are the right of every human being. Let us each do our part to make 2018 “the best of times.”

Photo: Yokohama Chinatown, D.Parmer

Grumpy Old Men

By Bill Lee

With the Pyeongchang Winter Olympics slated to kick off in a few days, North Korea will likely “hijack” (US Vice President Mike Pence) the Olympics with their “charm offensive” (Japanese Foreign Minister Taro Kono).

After Kim Jong Un offered to hold talks with South Korea about sending North Korean athletes to the winter Olympics in his New Year’s address this year, the Kim regime has succeeded from going to sending a few athletes to dispatching a delegation of over 500 North Koreans, including its Moranbang girl band, a 229-member female cheer squad, and an art troupe, not to mention 22 athletes. The icing on the cake will be one of the most powerful figures in the regime, not 90-year-old Kim Jong Nam, president of the Supreme People’s Assembly Presidium, but 30-year-old Kim Yo Jong, Kim Jong Un’s younger sister and deputy director of the Propaganda and Agitation Department, who, being Kim Jong Un’s closest blood relative, is supposed to wield great power in the regime. While Mike Pence dourly announced that the United States will unleash its “toughest sanctions ever,” this “Ivanka Trump of the Kim regime” is likely to steal Mike Pence’s “thunder” (Daily Beast) in Pyeongchang. Another PR victory for Pyongyang.

The question is what will happen after the Pyeongchang Paralympics conclude on March 18. Despite the ramped-up UN, US, and Japanese sanctions on North Korea, the Institute for Science and International Security, a Washington-based think tank, issued a new report detailing that 49 countries violated international sanctions against North Korea up to 2017. There have been numerous media reports describing how North Korea evades the sanctions by using front companies, going through third countries, reflagging cargo ships, targeting corrupt governments, and so on. With so many leaks, it is likely the ship of sanctions will list badly if not sink.

In his statement in Tokyo, Pence trotted out the tired old demand for North Korea’s “complete, verifiable, and irreversible denuclearization,” a sure non-starter for dialogue. If the United States agrees to the starting of talks with Pyongyang on the condition that North Korea agrees to suspend its nuclear and missile tests but makes the above-mentioned demand the ultimate end, the talks will collapse. That will lead to the resumption of at least North Korea’s missile tests. North Korea has only tested its Hwasong-14 ICBM twice and its Hwasong-15 ICBM once. Experts say a minimum of five test-launches is necessary for a missile to be ready to be deployed. Back to square one.

Leave a comment.

Photo by Esther Addy via Flickr

 

An Analysis of the Challenges Facing XiJinping’s “China Dream” Using PEST Methodology.

 

                            by David Parmer / Tokyo

 

The 19th National Congress of The Communist Party of China was held from 18-24 October 2017 in the Great Hall of The People in Beijing. Thousands of delegates from all over the country descended on China’s capital to participate in the CPC’s most important event, its 5-year meeting, to assess its performance in the past 5 years and to set out a strategy and vision for the next 5 years.

This meeting’s keynote was a report delivered on behalf of the 18th Congress of the Communist Party of China by the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China and President of the People’s Republic of China, Xi Jinping. The speech gave a detailed summary of both past performance and future vision.

 Prior to the convening of the meeting, speculation was rife in the world media about what would take place during the 5 days of the meeting, who would move up and who would move down or out. Much talk centered about Mr.Xi’s allies being in the ascendency.

Many analysts commented on Mr. Xi’s consolidation of power and many noted that he was now the most powerful leader in China since Mao Zedong himself. Some wondered if a “cult of personality” would arise around him, and one commentator went so far as to claim that this event was the “coronation of Emperor Xi.” (Time, 24 October 2017 / online edition).

Ignoring this type of speculation, the question then is why has Mr. Xi been so focused on consolidating power, fighting corruption, retiring old cadres and promoting young and capable cadres and reforming the military?

The answer is rather straightforward, and that he is determined to do as much as possible in his time in office to make his vision of the China Dream and the rejuvenation of the nation a reality.

 

The theme of the Congress is: Remain true to our original aspiration and keep our mission firmly in mind, hold high the banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, secure a decisive victory in building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, strive for the great success of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era, and work tirelessly to realize the Chinese Dream of national rejuvenation (Preamble to Mr. Xi’s report)

As was pointed out by several commentators after the event, Mr. Xi’s vision of the future while containing important points dealing with the rest of the world and China’s relation to it, is really focused internally.

As first glance the achievement of a “moderately prosperous society” would seem to be a key element is his vision, but on closer examination, the completion of national rejuvenation seems to be the real “true North” at which all of China’s compass needles must point according to Mr. Xi’s vision of a greater China.

In this paper we will start by taking a brief look at some of the key points in Mr. Xi’s report to the19th Congress that are central to his vision for a future China up to the middle of this century and beyond.

In the second section we will use a powerful and effective marketing tool or template to examine the challenges and opportunities that face Mr. Xi, the Party, and China itself.

The marketing tool is called a PEST analysis, with the letters standing for Political, Economic, Social, and Technological. Typically, company management at the highest levels uses this tool to plan their long-terms strategy, especially in the field of marketing. PEST analysis shows how the prevailing factors are for or against the organization’s plans.

In the October Mr. Xi has laid out his grand plan for China in front of the 19th Congress of the CPC. The purpose here is not to attempt to suggest whether Mr. Xi’s plan will “succeed” or “fail,” but rather what factors will affect it. We will use the PEST analysis to see where he might be faced with a restraining headwind, or a favorable tailwind, or both at the same time.

         Section One – Xi Jinping’s Vision for China

Mr. Xi’s vision for a moderately prosperous society employing Socialism with Chinese Characteristics to create a New Era.

In Mr. Xi’s report to the 19th Congress consisting of 32,000 characters and lasting for some 3 hours, Mr. Xi first pointed out where progress had been made in the past 5 years. He and then set out his grand vision for China to 2035, 2050 and beyond. These grand goals included:

  • The creation of a moderately prosperous society
  • The continuation of reform and opening up
  • The creation of a world-class military that is fully capable
  • The emergence of China as a global leader
  • The maintenance of “one country, two systems” and the 1992 consensus
  • The continued fight against, and elimination of corruption
  • The creation of a “green China” that opposes global warming
  • The elimination of poverty by 2020
  • The completion of national rejuvenation

A short explanation of each section in Mr. Xi’s own words from his report to the 19th Party Congress:

 

(A) The creation of a moderately prosperous society

Building on this, our Party then developed the vision that by the time we celebrate our centenary, we will have developed our society into a moderately prosperous one with a stronger economy, greater democracy, more advanced science and education, thriving culture, greater social harmony, and a better quality of life.

 

(B) The continuation of reform and opening up

We should pursue the Belt and Road Initiative as a priority, give equal emphasis to “bringing in” and “going global, follow the principle of achieving shared growth through discussion and collaboration, and increase openness and cooperation in building innovation capacity. With these efforts, we hope to make new ground in opening China further through links running eastward and westward, across land and over sea.

(C) The creation of a world-class military that is fully capable

We must fully implement the Party’s thinking on strengthening the military for the new era and the military strategy for new conditions, build a powerful and modernized army, navy, air force, rocket force, and strategic support force, develop strong and efficient joint operations commanding institutions for theater commands, and create a modern combat system with distinctive Chinese characteristics

(D) The emergence of China as a world leader

We will pursue open, innovative, and inclusive development that benefits everyone; boost cross-cultural exchanges characterized by harmony within diversity, inclusiveness, and mutual learning; and cultivate ecosystems based on respect for nature and green development.

(E) The maintenance of “one country, two systems” and the 1992 consensus

We have fully and faithfully implemented the principle of “one country, two systems,” and ensured that the central government exercises its overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong and Macao as mandated by China’s Constitution and the basic laws of the two special administrative regions.

We have upheld the one-China principle and the 1992 Consensus, promoted the peaceful development of cross-Straits relations, strengthened cross-Straits economic and cultural exchanges and cooperation, and held a historic meeting between the leaders of the two sides

(F) The continued fight against, and elimination of corruption

The people resent corruption most; and corruption is the greatest threat our Party faces. We must have the resolve and tenacity to persevere in the never-ending fight against corruption. Only by intensifying efforts to address both the symptoms and root causes of corruption—by making sure that officials are honest, government is clean, and political affairs are handled with integrity—can we avoid history’s cycle of rise and fall and ensure the long-term stability of the Party and the country.

(G) The creation of a “green China” that opposes global warming

We have devoted serious energy to ecological conservation. As a result, the entire Party and the whole country have become more purposeful and active in pursuing green development, and there has been a clear shift away from the tendency to neglect ecological and environmental protection

(H) The elimination of poverty by 2020

We must ensure that by the year 2020, all rural residents living below the current poverty line have been lifted out of poverty, and poverty is eliminated in all poor counties and regions. Poverty alleviation should reach those who truly need it and deliver genuine outcomes.

(I) The completion of national rejuvenation

National rejuvenation has been the greatest dream of the Chinese people since modern times began. At its founding, the Communist Party of China made realizing Communism its highest ideal and its ultimate goal, and shouldered the historic mission of national rejuvenation

 

Section Two – PEST Analysis of Mr. Xi’s Vision

 

Mr. Xi’s report contains a myriad of issues and challenges, however the above sections can be considered as the key points of his vision. The next task will be to take a look at these points and see what forces will support or oppose their realization.

 

                                   POLITICAL FACTORS

                                   Favorable Conditions

 

From a political standpoint, Mr. Xi has been working on his agenda for the past 5 years. The 19th Party Congress saw a group of new leaders step forward and take their places in the Politburo Standing Committee, and this might be considered the culmination of the beginning of the full implementation of the China Dream. Mr. Xi now has the support he needs for the ambitious agenda he has outlined, and which was foreshadowed in the achievements of his first 5 years including:

 

  • The launch of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank
  • The Belt and Road imitative
  • The ongoing modernization of the PLA
  • The ongoing and vigorous fight against corruption

Few observers fail to comment on the accumulation of power that has taken place in the first 5 years of the Xi administration. However most commentators seem to view this accumulation of power as a matter of personal ambition on Mr. Xi’s part, and not as the basis for his drive to accomplish the goals outlined above.

 

                                   Unfavorable Conditions

 

  • Tibet nationalism
  • Uighur nationalism
  • Hong Kong activism
  • Taiwan Independence activism
  • The rise of India to world-power status
  • The continued but diminished US Asian influence

 

While China is in effect a one-party system, the CPC is not without its opposition. The first of these would be minority opposition in the form of Tibetan and Uighur nationalism. Neither of these problems looks like it will diminish soon. The second form of opposition to the CPC comes in the form of activists in Hong Kong and independence activists in Taiwan. On the latter Mr. Xi has made his policies clear; that China will continue to support the “one country, two systems” policy, and will abide by the 1992 Consensus on Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait. While progress toward a moderately prosperous society with Socialist characteristics will move forward, it will do so in spite of these adverse internal currents.

Internationally, China faces most of the same challenges as the majority of the other countries in the world face, i.e. the threat of terrorism, the march of global warming, and the ever-changing, inter-related global economy.

China also faces some thorny issues with its neighbors. From the Chinese perspective, China is only trying to secure its borders as one facet of national rejuvenation as propounded by President Xi. Moreover, China feels it has given repeated assurances that it does not seek hegemony in the region. However, from the perspective of China’s neighbors, with whom she is in dispute (Japan, Vietnam, Philippines) in the East China Sea and South China Sea, China looms large and is a real threat to their territorial sovereignty.

Two other major political challenges threatening China’s realization of the China dream take the form of its neighbor India and its cross-Pacific rival, the Untied States.

India today could be described, as China once was, i.e. as “a sleeping giant.” India has many, many of its own challenges to overcome until it becomes a moderately prosperous society. With the growth of its economy, infrastructure and military power India will surely become one of China’s main rivals.

Border disputes have flared up over the last 50 years, and will probably continue to do so. From a certain point of view India has suffered repeated humiliations in these confrontations and has had to repeatedly back down or settle for a stalemate at best where the Chinese side held all the cards. When a resurgent India has some real military muscle, it will be another question as to whether India will back down again.

As for the sea, if it can be said that the East and South China seas are a Chinese lake, then all signs point to the potential that the Indian Ocean will become an Indian pond in the not-so-distant future.

Chinese shipping from the Gulf transits the Indian Ocean and enters the Strait of Malacca in Indian-influenced waters. India has already stepped up its patrol and base building in order to cover this vital transit point. Submarine activity is increasing through the East Asian region and the Indian Ocean is no exception.

Nor can China fail to factor in its trans-Pacific rival, the United States in its plans for the future. The United States, somewhat diminished is still the most militarily powerful nation on the planet with the ability to project power anywhere in a timely manner. Moreover, the US has honed its military edge for 16 years fighting wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and supporting counter-terrorism from the Arctic to Africa with its cooperation and training missions.

The United States Navy while it is currently having operating problems is still the mightiest naval force in the world with 19 aircraft carriers to China’s 2

The US has ships, bases and allies in the Asia-Pacific, and there is no indication that this will change its Asia-Pacific strategy in the foreseeable future despite a policy of looking inward and pulling back which seems to be the worldview of the Trump administration. China will have to pursue the China Dream in this century and beyond with its American rival still in place and still strong.

 

                                Economic Factors

                               Favorable Conditions

 

“China has entered a new normal in economic development.”

 

In his opening remarks to the 19th CPC Congress, Mr. Xi outlined the measures taken and challenges ahead for China to move to a “moderately prosperous society.” These include:

  • Promotion of further Internet integration
  • Promotion of new area of growth
  • Supporting additional industries in upgrading
  • Improving the supply chain
  • Encouraging entrepreneurship
  • Cutting excess capacity and cut cost
  • Vigorously continuing to promote opening up
  • Continuing and expand Belt and Road Initiative
  • Opening China’s western regions
  • Empowering free trade zones
  • Making China a country of innovators
  • Pursuing rural revitalization
  • Fostering regional development

Mr. Xi’s “new normal” aims to take China from an economy of fast growth to high-quality development. In the past 5 years a lot of groundwork has ben laid to make this happen, and to make the development goals listed above a reality.

Internationally, as the US retreats, China steps forward. China’s Belt and Road plan already has several parts in place and is moving forward. As with the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, China is and will continue to get wide support for it visionary approach to its own and the regional and global economy.

China will end the calendar year of 2017 with some good news for its economy; her GDP is expected to come in at 6.8%, a figure higher than targeted. This has exceeded expectations and marked a 7-year high. GDP is estimated at 6.4% for 2018, but the numbers could also be higher in December 2018.

                                 Unfavorable Conditions

Economically, China has some strong headwinds blowing against her as she moves forward. Many of the issues were addressed by Mr. Xi in his opening address, however simply acknowledging and addressing them does not means they are solved.

One of the major problems is China’s increasing debt. It has been reported that debt stands at 234% of GDP. In 2017, Standard & Poor’s downgraded China’s credit rating to A+ because of debt and financial risk.

Other challenges for China are problematic state intervention in the economy, low productivity of State Owned Enterprises (SOE) and continued support of loss-making companies. China also needs to do more to control soaring housing prices. The IMF suggests that China must also speed up reforms and boost consumption. Right now there is a situation of high national savings and low consumption.

It is not all bad news for the giant Chinese economy, but Mr. Xi and his government have their work cut out for them when it comes to the economy moving forward in the next 5 years and beyond.

 

                                    Social Factors

 

                                Favorable Conditions

 

 

In a normal PEST analysis, the “S” or social component would probably have equal importance with the other three factors. In this study of Xi Jinping’s speech to the 19th Party Congress, however, the social factor is really the most important. This is because while the speech addresses China’s external interests and concerns, it is primarily focused on domestic matters, i.e. creating the Xiaokang, or moderately prosperous society and national rejuvenation.

Mr. Xi’s speech is really about what has been done, and what must be done by all members of the CPC and the Chinese nation. Some of the things that have been done, and must continue to be done include:

  • Maintaining a medium-growth economy
  • Building infrastructure to include highways, ports and airports
  • Continuing to increase the number of legal migrants to cities
  • Continuing to promote democracy and rule of law
  • Improving social security for urban and rural people
  • Continuing to build an ecological society
  • Eliminating poverty and eliminating rural-urban imbalance

The next big target is 2020 with the finishing of the building of a moderately prosperous society and the elimination of poverty. The next phase is from 2020-2035, and the final phase is from 2035-2050 when the socialist modernization of the nation will have been realized. This will complete the rejuvenation of the nation.

Mr. Xi offers planning for the road ahead and calls for all to cooperate in the building and realization of the China Dream.

 

                                   Unfavorable Factors

The realization of the China Dream is on track and moving forward, but that does not mean that it will not meet adverse conditions before the 2050 target for completion.

Domestically the CPC party center could face opposition from Tibetan and Uighur nationalism. These two ethnic groups must be dealt with properly to prevent both an increased sense of separatism and terrorism. Beijing’s response must be both firm and fair, and these (and other) minorities must feel a sense of inclusion in the Chinese nation and Chinese dream. Hong Kong and Taiwan are also problematic for the central government.

Thus far, Beijing has dealt with Hong Kong skillfully in the 20 years since the former British colony has reverted to Chinese control. Mr. Xi in his speech has reiterated the Party’s commitment to the “one country, two systems” arrangement. The worst-case scenario is a robust opposition movement that would cross some undefined “red line” and ultimately force Beijing’s hand. The best-case scenario is the passage of time where a new generation of young people has a different “China consciousness” and loyalty to greater China.

As for Taiwan, Mr. Xi also reiterated the Party’s commitment to the “1992 Consensus” affirming the one-China policy. He also stated unequivocally that not “Taiwan Independence” movement would be tolerated. The problem with Taiwan is that while the possibility of a growing “China consciousness” is possible in Hong Kong as a solution, it does seem not possible with Taiwan. Polls have repeatedly shown that Taiwan people more and more see themselves as Taiwanese and not Chinese. At present, there seems to be only two solutions to the Taiwan question: toleration or takeover. No third solution is currently on the table. So Taiwan will remain one piece missing from the mosaic of “rejuvenation of the nation.” Until it is “solved” it will be a problem for China and an “incomplete.”

International factors that could slow down the realization of Mr. Xi’s great blueprint would include tensions or open conflict with China’s Russian and Indian neighbors. Also to be considered would be the possibility of unwanted conflict with China’s maritime neighbors including Japan, Viet Nam, the Philippines and the United States. War on the Korean peninsula would also certainly cause a re-thinking of the great timeline forward.

While the above considerations would not derail the China Dream, they could slow it down considerably and force the CPC to adjust its timelines for 2020, 2035 and 2050.

 

                                         Technological Factors

                                          Favorable Conditions

 Probably the greatest impetus for the development of Chinese technology is not scientific but a commitment to national rejuvenation. In his speech Xi Jinping mentions the Opium War of 1840 which began a century of national humiliation for China. China was poorly armed and no match for the premier military of its day, the British army and navy. China’s complacency in the 18th century left it vulnerable to European powers that had embraced the Industrial Revolution. China had a long, uphill battle to modernize. After 1949 China had not only to reconstruct but also to start to build a livable society.

 Both Deng Xiaoping and Zhou Enliai fully understood that it was science and technology that would move China forward. When Deng went to Japan and saw the technological prowess of the postwar Japanese he was determined to move China forward scientifically and militarily. So began Reform and Opening Up and the development of China’s tech sector. Today China has a robust space program, a space station of its own, a giant program to develop alternative energy, a massive and vibrant Internet infrastructure, and is committed to assuming leadership in the fight against global warming and climate change.

 

In his speech Mr. Xi states:

 

Through devoting great energy to implementing the innovation-driven development strategy, we have seen much accomplished toward making China a country of innovators, with major advances made in science and technology, including the successful launch of Tiangong-2 space lab, the commissioning of the deep-sea manned submersible Jiaolong and of the five-hundred-meter aperture spherical telescope (FAST) Tianyan, the launch of the dark matter probe satellite Wukong and the quantum science satellite Mozi, and the test flight of the airliner C919.

Mr. Xi makes it clear that it will be technology that will be the underpinning for the development of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, the completion of the China Dream and the Chinese national rejuvenation.

 

                                   Unfavorable Conditions

 It is hard to imagine any conditions unfavorable to the development of China technologically. It is unlikely that China will waver in its commitment to excel on the scientific and technological fronts. The target of having basically achieved full development by 2050 will not likely be abandoned. The only real threat would be military conflict with one or several of its potential adversaries or war on the China mainland itself. Either war or planetary disaster seems to be the only forces capable of slowing China’s technological and scientific advance.

                                            CONCLUSION

Using the PEST analysis of Mr. Xi’s speech we can come to a few common conclusions among the sections. We can see that his consolidation of power is not a move towards personal aggrandizement, but rather the next necessary step to the realization of his vision. The strength of Mr. Xi’s plan for a greater China in the 21st century lies in these factors,

  • Vision
  • Commitment
  • Planning
  • Implementation

Factors that will militate against the China Dream are as mentioned above,

  • Ethnic unrest
  • Hong Kong unrest
  • The Taiwan question
  • Border conflict with neighbors
  • Conflict in the East and South China sea
  • War on the Korean peninsula

If Mr. Xi’s call is heard by the CPC and supported by the Chinese people, then the China Dream, and a fully realized country featuring Socialism with Chinese characteristics will  likely become, despite inevitable setbacks, a reality by 2050.

Photo: Global Times

 

 

 

Will The US Attack the DPRK Anytime Soon?

                             by David Parmer / Tokyo

The media is full of reports that the US is seriously considering a limited attack on North Korea known as a “bloody nose” strike.

The thinking is that the US would attack the DPRK, a sovereign country with which it is not at war, and that this attack would somehow make Kim Jong-un come to his senses, abandon his nuclear ambitions and head to the negotiating table pronto.

Factored in to the thinking is apparently the assumption that Kim and his regime want most of all to survive and continue in power, and for this reason they would not launch a massive nuclear, biological, cyber or conventional attack against the US and its South Korean and Japanese friends.

Clearly, Kim would have to make some kind of military response to save face. He could very easily attack US forces in South Korea paricularly Camp Humphreys a base 60 miles from Seoul that has about 28,000 US military personnell. Such an attack would cause massive Americian casualties. This would certainly be seen as a 9/11 moment, and give the Trump administration carte blanche to pursue a wider war.

A US strike would propably be a cruise missle strike on Kim’s rocket testing and launch facilities in an effort to set back the clock on his nuclear program. Would this work? Probably not. Putting aside Korean pride for a moment, there is still the concept of juche, or self-relaiance, a revolutionary ideal put forward by DPRK founder, Kim Il-sung. This ideal of standing alone in the face of adversity no matter how grave should give an excellent indicator of the stubborn and uncompromising response from the Kim regime. There would be no heading to the negotiating table.

Will this “bloody nose” work as a threat or as an actual military operation? What do you think? Please share your thoughts.

Photo: John Pavelka via flickr

 

 

 

 

 

 

Fire and Fury

By Bill Lee

First off, there are no themes in Michael Wolff’s Fire and Fury: Inside the Trump Whitehouse that are new. The Trump Whitehouse is chaotic: check. President Trump is, to put it kindly, incompetent: check. His inner circle of aides are amateurs or near lunatics: check.

The book gains momentum, particularly near the end, but it has two major weaknesses: the storytelling and the cast of characters. First, Wolff’s method of narration is to extrapolate from what he heard in interviews or hallway gossip to expositions on what he believes the subjects were thinking at the time. This is a technique that Bob Woodward used in his books, often to irritating effect. The problem of course is that Wolff cannot possibly know what a person is thinking based on answers to interview questions or hearsay. Moreover, the reader cannot trust that Wolff’s account is accurate. The book also contains a lot of accounts that are unattributed and strain credulity. For example, in a description of the two Trump sons Don Jr. and Eric, Wolff claims that Trump confessed that when brains were being handed out, the two sons were in the back of the room. But it is unbelievable that Trump would actually say something like that about his family, which he is known to be very protective about.

The other matter is the cast of characters. As Wolff says in his prologue, reading David Halberstam’s magnum opus The Best and the Brightest, although the basic theme of the book was that all the smart and elite people around JFK still managed to screw things up, the reader would likely daydream that he was part of that scene because of its near Camelotian aura. But now with the Trump Whitehouse, I kept thinking while I was reading (actually listening to) the book: Why on earth am I bothering to read about these people? None of them, and here we can trust Wolff, has any redeeming qualities. Except Bannon. Although he’s a whack job, his riffs, in Wolff’s retelling, can, I admit, be amusing. But the Trump Whitehouse is the last place I would like to daydream about being in.

Go ahead and get the book. It can be entertaining. But be forewarned: you’ll wonder why you’re bothering with this lot.

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Who Wins This Round?

By Bill Lee

Who is winning in the war of words between Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un? As far as insults, Kim Jong Un is up on points. While Trump manages only “Rocket Man,” Kim, through the official North Korean media, has come up with Trump as a “mentally deranged dotard.”

North Korea agreed to meet for talks with South Korea on 9 January. Was it because Trump’s bellicose rhetoric had pushed tensions to such a height that Pyongyang feared military action by the United States? Trump took credit, tweeting, “Does anybody really believe that talks and dialogue would be going on between North and South Korea right now if I wasn’t firm, strong and willing to control our total ‘might’ against the North.”

Yet Pyongyang certainly came out ahead in the talks at Panmunjom. They get to send their athletes and cheerleaders to the PyeongChang Winter Olympics, and, more importantly, got the United States and South Korea to suspend their military exercise until after the Olympics. Moreover, they were able to make clear they will not denuclearize.

North Korea’s nuclear and missile arsenals are already a fait accompli despite Trump’s boast that he will “take care of it.” If, with all of Trump’s bluster, Kim Jong Un feels Trump is crazy enough to start bombing North Korea, that is all the more reason for the North Koreans never to give up their nuclear arms. Kim Jong Un wins this round.

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The Answer to Prayers or a Pandora’s Box?

By Bill Lee

You’re either for nuclear power or against it (I’m for it); there’s no in between. For an expanding power, literally, like China, energy supply is crucial. Oddly enough, China is the third largest nuclear energy producer in the world behind the United States and France, and yet nuclear power accounts for only three percent of China’s total energy usage.

China wants to get oil from offshore oil fields. It wants to build infrastructure on the reclaimed islands in the South China Sea. And it wants to expand port facilities in developing countries along the Maritime Silk Road under the One Belt and One Road initiative. But it needs energy for these offshore and remote locations.

The solution its banking on is floating nuclear power stations. Smallish nuclear reactors and power plants are mounted on barge-like vessels, which can then maneuver where needed. The output is only 10-20 percent of that from larger land-based nuclear power plants, but it’s enough to power offshore drilling rigs, fuel desalinization plants on remote islands, provide emergency power to disaster-hit areas, and so on. China is planning to build 20 floating nuclear power stations by the 2020s, and the first one should be in operation by 2019.

There are problems deploying these floating nuclear reactors of course. How will the United States react if China deploys these power stations in the South China Sea? What are the risks if one is in an area hit by a typhoon? (One manufacturer, China General Nuclear Power Group, says that its station will be able to dive underwater to avoid such a situation.) And can they be protected well enough from terrorists who want their reactors?

These and other issues, such as the expensive price tag, must be resolved before they can be deployed. But considering the stakes, these offshore nuclear power stations could fit in very nicely with China’s ambitions.

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Tsunami Panic

By Bill Lee

Happy New Year to all of our avid readers!

Politically, last year was the year of Donald Trump, and whatever we think of him, at least he gives us something to be annoyed about. This year looks to be more of the same.

During the New Year’s break, we took a drive along the west coast of Izu Peninsula in Shizuoka Prefecture. It’s a beautiful winding coastline, and, like a lot of regions with a line of little fishing villages, sleepy. In contrast to the well-developed Southern California west coast, where each beach area has its own distinctive social and cultural feature — from the off-limits Marine Corps beaches at the south end, up to the artsy colony of Laguna Beach, the wealthy enclave of Newport Beach, the gritty, druggy beaches above them, and so on — the Izu region is relatively homogenous. But it would seem a wonderful place to live, or at least retire to, especially if you like marine sports.

But nobody wants to live or move there. Land or building owners can’t sell their properties and prices have plummeted. The reason? Everyone is afraid of a devastating earthquake and tsunami striking the region. But their paralyzing fear is irrational. For decades, the Japanese government warned of the “Tokai Earthquake” that would strike Shizuoka. The warning has now been widened to the “Nankai Trough Earthquake,” which could strike along a much longer stretch of the Pacific coastline. Aside from creating fear among the Japanese public — so much so that they don’t want to live in a beautiful coastal region — the predictions have raised non-life insurance premiums in those regions, further discouraging people from moving, or staying, there.

The government recently issued a forecast that there is a 7-40 percent chance of a megaquake hitting off the Pacific coast of Hokkaido in the next 30 years. But as Tokyo University Emeritus Professor Robert Geller noted in the Japan Times last month, the forecast is meaninglessly vague. If one does hit, the predictors can say the forecast was correct; if one doesn’t strike, they can, at the low end, say there was really a 93 percent chance one wouldn’t hit.

It’s a shame that Japan’s local areas are being depopulated, and doubly a shame when the cause is based on misleading claims. I’m moving to Izu.

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Photo by Alan Doherty via Flickr